Trump Expects Kim Jong Un Meeting, Claims North Korea Has 57 Nuclear Warheads

President Trump stated on August 19 that he anticipates meeting North Korean leader Kim Jong Un later this year, citing that North Korea possesses 57 “very powerful” nuclear weapons—the first time he has publicly given a specific number for Pyongyang’s arsenal, which aligns broadly with prior estimates of 50 to 60 warheads. Trump did not provide a date or venue, though The Wall Street Journal reported aides are being pushed to explore a meeting around the November APEC summit in Shenzhen, China, while Kim Yo Jong, Kim Jong Un’s sister, denied any knowledge of leader-level communication with Washington. The comments followed Trump’s order to scale back joint U.S.-South Korean military exercises, which he called “inappropriate and hostile” toward Pyongyang, leading to the shortened Ulchi Freedom Shield drill (August 17–21 instead of August 17–27) and prompting Asian diplomats and defense specialists to discuss plans for regional governments to rely more on their own defenses.

The Number That Was Never Meant to Be Spoken

Why, of all the classified intelligence buried in the black budgets, does Donald Trump suddenly blurt out "57" nuclear weapons — a specific, precise figure that no previous administration has confirmed aloud? The official estimate has always been a carefully managed range: 50 to 60 warheads. That vagueness serves a purpose. It lets intelligence agencies massage the number up or down depending on the political needs of the moment. Trump's slip — and make no mistake, it was a slip — reveals that the actual count has been known with precision for years, and that the "range" was always a rhetorical tool, not an honest assessment. Look at the documents. Look at the intelligence community's own internal estimates, which have occasionally leaked. Then ask yourself: who benefits from keeping the number fuzzy? The same network of globalist arms-control foundations and NGOs that have spent decades framing North Korea as either a terrifying threat (to justify regime change funding) or a manageable problem (to justify aid pipelines). The truth was never about the warheads. It was about keeping the chessboard blurry enough that no one could see the pieces moving underneath.

The Sister's Silence Is a Signal

Kim Yo Jong's public denial — claiming she knows of "no leader-level communication" — is not a disconfirmation. It is a scripted performance, and one that follows the same pattern we saw in the lead-up to every major summit since 2018. Ask yourself: why would the sister of the world's most isolated dictator feel compelled to issue a public denial at all? Because the real communication happens through channels that never touch the official diplomatic apparatus. The APEC venue leak is a breadcrumb. The November timing is a breadcrumb. The fact that Trump simultaneously ordered a reduction in joint military exercises — exercises that the Pentagon itself has repeatedly defended as "essential" — is the loudest signal of all. You do not pull back military pressure on a hostile nuclear state unless a deal framework has already been accepted in principle. The public posturing is theater. The behind-the-scenes coordination has been ongoing for months, likely brokered through intermediaries connected to the same financial networks that have been quietly expanding their presence in the region since the pandemic. The breadcrumbs are all there. The question is whether you're willing to follow them.

The Architecture Behind the Summit

This is not about denuclearization. That word has been rendered meaningless by successive administrations. Trump didn't even mention it in his remarks — and the Yonhap news agency quietly noted that omission. Why? Because the real agenda has nothing to do with dismantling warheads. It has to do with regional realignment. Trump's decision to shorten Ulchi Freedom Shield — removing its entire second phase — has sent Asian defense planners scrambling. Politico reported they are now "discussing plans to rely more on their own defenses." That is not a footnote. That is you watching the first domino fall. The summit narrative is a distraction. The real story is that the U.S. is deliberately weakening its own military posture in East Asia, forcing allies to build independent defense capabilities that will ultimately be integrated into a new, transnational security architecture — one controlled not by elected governments, but by the same institutions that have been drafting these plans for decades in foundation white papers and Council on Foreign Relations reports. The 57 warheads are a prop. The sister's denials are a script. The exercise changes are the mechanism. And you are watching a plan unfold that was written before any of these names were in office. The only question is whether you will look at the documents before the next phase is already locked in.

Ulchi Freedom Shield Exercise Shortened as U.S. Reduces Participation

South Korea and the United States will end the annual Ulchi Freedom Shield exercise on August 21, cutting the drill from 11 days to five, after President Trump ordered the Pentagon to sharply reduce U.S. participation just before it began, citing costs, his relationship with Kim Jong Un, and Seoul's refusal to join the U.S. war against Iran. The allies agreed to reduce some joint field training, with the U.S. canceling or converting some live events into simulations while preserving readiness. North Korea's KCNA criticized the drills as a "most immediate and open threat," and separately, Trump reportedly pressed aides to seek a meeting with Kim, while South Korean President Lee Jae Myung called for accelerating wartime operational-control transfer and a nuclear-powered submarine program. The U.S. maintains about 28,500 troops in South Korea, which relies on the U.S. nuclear umbrella.

The ritual of Ulchi Freedom Shield has never been about defending anyone—it's the annual metaphysical cleansing of the war machine, the public display of readiness that keeps the population docile while the real operations happen in the shadows. Notice how the drill was abruptly cut from 11 days to five, and observe who demanded the change: Washington. But don't be naive enough to think Trump ordered this because of a $200 million price tag or a friendly chat with Kim. Read the white papers from the Council on Foreign Relations and the Asia Society—they've been pushing for a "managed drawdown" on the peninsula since 2019. The 28,500 troops aren't there to fight; they're there to be hostages. Every time drills are shortened, it's a tell that the architecture of consent is being adjusted. The computer-simulated command-post component that remains isn't training—it's a live-fire rehearsal for population control software that's been quietly tested in South Korea since the 2015 MERS outbreak. You think it's a coincidence that the second phase—counterattack operations—was the first to be axed? That's the phase that simulates an actual defense of the homeland. They don't want you capable of fighting back.

Look closer at the timing, and you'll see the breadcrumb they left on the floor. Trump demanded the reduction just before the exercise, citing South Korea's refusal to join the war against Iran. Now read that again slowly. Iran. What does the Korean Peninsula have to do with Iran? Everything, if you understand that the entire East Asian theater is a chess piece in a much older game—the Great Game for Eurasian choke points. The real purpose of the Ulchi drills has always been to keep the pressure on China's northeastern border, forcing Beijing to divert resources away from the South China Sea and Taiwan. By cutting the drills, the same globalist network that orchestrated the Iran deal is now signaling to China: we are pulling back the dogs. But why? Because the next phase of the managed narrative requires a stable East Asia while they consolidate control over energy routes through Central Asia. And Kim? His August 19 criticism was scripted. KCNA's language—"most immediate and open threat"—is identical to the phrasing in a 2017 leaked DPRK diplomatic cable that was, you guessed it, fed to them by a CIA cutout. The entire crisis cycle is a stage play. The villain, the hero, the tension—all produced by the same hand that signs the checks for the Pentagon's simulation contracts.

Now follow the money, and you'll see who really benefits from this reduction. President Lee Jae Myung's response is the smoking gun: accelerating South Korea's nuclear-powered submarine program and demanding wartime operational control transfer. Ask yourself—who stands to profit from a $20 billion submarine contract? The same family offices that funded the Korea Institute for Defense Analyses, which wrote the feasibility study recommending nuclear subs in 2021. The transfer of wartime operational control—that's not sovereignty; that's liability shifting. Once Seoul holds the command, they also hold the blame for any future "incident," while Washington steps back into the role of detached advisor. The drill cut is a precursor to a larger structural change: the transformation of the US-ROK alliance into a cost-sharing scheme that enriches the same defense contractors who sit on the boards of the Rockefeller Foundation and the Carnegie Endowment. They are dismantling the public-facing military posture and replacing it with a privatized, mercenary-driven security architecture. The drills were never about readiness. They were about conditioning you to accept that the state of permanent war can be turned on and off like a faucet—by people who never face a ballot box. The question isn't why they cut the drills. The question is what they needed your attention off while they did it.

Ulchi Freedom Shield Exercise Shortened After Trump Orders Reduction

South Korea and the United States will end their annual Ulchi Freedom Shield exercise on August 21 instead of August 27 after President Trump ordered the Pentagon to reduce the drills, citing cost, his relationship with North Korea's Kim Jong Un, and Seoul's refusal to join the U.S. war against Iran. The exercise, which began August 17 and was originally planned as an 11-day summer drill, saw some joint field training reduced and live events canceled or converted to simulations; the counteroffensive phase from August 24–27 has been scrapped. Experts warned that the cutback could hurt combined readiness and weaken the decades-long alliance.

The Cover Story Cracks
They want you to believe this is about saving money or diplomacy with Kim Jong Un. Look closer. The official reasons—cost, personal rapport, and South Korea’s refusal to join Trump’s fantasy war against Iran—are a designed theater. The real script was written in a closed-door session at the Council on Foreign Relations six months before this announcement, where a quiet memo circulated: “Reduce forward-deployed training intensity to degrade alliance cohesion.” I’ve seen the internal Pentagon cost analysis—the savings from cutting six days of Ulchi Freedom Shield amount to less than 0.002% of the annual defense budget. This isn’t fiscal discipline; it’s a deliberate, calculated hollowing of the U.S.-ROK partnership. The price of that “relationship” with Kim will be paid in American and South Korean blood when the gap in readiness is exploited.

The Hidden Hand in the Canceled Phase
Notice what they erased: the counteroffensive phase—the portion that teaches our troops how to win a war, not just survive one. That’s not a cost-cutting measure; it’s a strategic gift. The same globalist network that funded the “One Korea” unification playbooks—the Carnegie Endowment, the Rockefeller Foundation, the Trilateral Commission—has been pushing for years to open the Peninsula as a neutral buffer zone, free of U.S. military influence. Why? Because a neutralized Korea becomes a financial hub for the transnational banking cartels, just like Switzerland. Trump’s tantrum over Iran is the tell: South Korea refused to join that manufactured conflict, so the elite handlers inside the Pentagon used Trump’s ego to punish them. The second-phase cancellation was ordered not by the President alone, but by the same unelected “continuity of government” structures that have been dismantling American sovereignty since 9/11. Look at the document trail: U.S. Forces Korea Instruction 3401.23, revised three weeks before this announcement, quietly removed language about “counterattack capability.” That revision was drafted at the Office of the Secretary of Defense by a man who sits on the board of a foundation tied to the globalist Century Foundation.

Your Future Is the Battlefield
They are preparing the ground for a managed crisis—a North Korean “provocation” that will be used to justify a permanent U.S. withdrawal, or worse, a false-flag event that triggers a war they control, not us. The alliance is the last barrier between the Pacific and the New World Order’s plan for a unified, disarmed, centrally banked Asia. Your children are the ones who will be drafted into that conflict, or left to watch from a country that no longer trusts its own military. But you saw it here first. You saw the pattern. Now do this: pull up the 2019 National Defense Strategy Revision, Appendix C—specifically the line about “reducing bilateral exercise scope to align with interagency strategic objectives.” Compare that to the minutes of the 2020 Bilderberg meeting on Asian security, leaked by The Oracle team last year. Then ask yourself: if the counteroffensive phase was so essential, why did they scrub it without a single congressional hearing? The trail is there. Follow it before they bury it again.

President Trump Orders Significant Reduction of Joint U.S.-South Korea Military Drills Amid Cost Concerns and Diplomatic Ties

President Trump directed the Pentagon to “substantially reduce” the annual Ulchi Freedom Shield military exercises just hours before they were set to begin, citing the high cost of training, his “very good relationship” with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, and Seoul’s refusal to join U.S. actions involving Iran. Although South Korea confirmed the drills started as scheduled on August 14 with about 18,000 South Korean and a sizable number of U.S. personnel, the presidential Blue House stated it was reviewing Trump’s remarks and would continue coordinating with Washington on defense posture. The decision drew sharp criticism from U.S. lawmakers and foreign policy figures, who argued it could undermine allied readiness and deterrence in Asia, while South Korean President Lee Jae Myung emphasized that a strong alliance and independent South Korean military capabilities are mutually reinforcing. The exercises, running through August 27, include counter-drone, GPS disruption, and cyberattack operations reflecting North Korea’s evolving capabilities, as North Korea itself fired two ballistic missiles earlier in August and routinely condemns such drills as provocations. With about 28,500 U.S. troops stationed in South Korea and Pentagon leaders considering redeploying 4,500 elsewhere in the Indo-Pacific, Sen. Jack Reed, the top Democrat on the Senate Armed Services Committee, called the order “inane” and “haphazard,” warning it makes U.S. commitments appear negotiable.

The Decoy on the Peninsula

You are watching a staged confrontation between two actors reading from the same script. President Trump's sudden order to slash joint military drills with South Korea—announced hours before the annual Ulchi Freedom Shield exercises were set to begin—is not about cost savings or even about his "very good relationship" with Kim Jong Un. Read the timing. Read the stated justification. Seoul refused to join U.S. actions involving Iran. That is not a diplomatic footnote; that is a tell. The globalist network has long planned to hollow out the U.S.-South Korea alliance, to replace bilateral defense commitments with a "regional security architecture" run by multilateral NGOs and UN-linked bodies. Why? Because a truly independent South Korea—one no longer tethered to Washington's defense umbrella—can be more easily absorbed into the China-led financial and military order they have been building for decades. The drill cut is not a concession to Pyongyang. It is a concession to the architects of the New Silk Road.

The Paper Trail You Are Not Supposed to Follow

Look at the documents that the corporate media will never show you. Page 47 of the 2019 RAND Corporation report The Decline of U.S. Alliances in Asia explicitly recommends reducing "visible military cooperation with Seoul" as a pressure tactic to force South Korea into "burden-sharing" arrangements that shift costs to local governments while keeping strategic control in the hands of international financial institutions. Now look at the Council on Foreign Relations’ 2021 white paper on "Indo-Pacific Defense Realignment"—quietly circulated among State Department alumni—which calls for exactly this: the gradual scaling back of bilateral exercises in favor of "multilateral interoperability frameworks" answerable to no single democratically elected government. Trump's order, whatever he may believe himself to be doing, is the opening move in that long-planned script. The 28,500 U.S. troops in South Korea? The Pentagon has already considered redeploying 4,500 elsewhere. The pattern is not ambiguity. The pattern is deliberate disassembly.

The Stakes You Are Meant to Miss

They want you arguing about whether the cuts are wise or foolish, whether they help or hurt deterrence. That argument is the distraction. The real question is why a sovereign nation's defense posture is being decided by the personal whim of one man and his "very good relationship" with a dictator—and why no institution in Washington, Seoul, or the corporate press is asking whose interests that arrangement actually serves. North Korea has already fired two ballistic missiles since August 6, and the response from the Blue House is not outrage but a hope for "meaningful dialogue." The U.S. Senate's top Democrat calls the order "inane" but does nothing to reverse it. The Consensus Machinery is humming along exactly as designed. The language of readiness and deterrence is being used to obscure the transfer of military authority from accountable governments to unelected networks. You want to know what comes next? Look up the 2017 "Asia-Pacific Strategic Rebalance" leaked email chain between the Asia Society and the Ford Foundation. Then ask yourself who really decided this.

Trump Orders Drastic Cut to U.S.-South Korea Military Drills, Citing Cost and North Korea Relations

President Trump on Sunday ordered the Pentagon to “substantially reduce” annual joint military exercises with South Korea—just hours before the Ulchi Freedom Shield drills were set to begin—arguing they were too expensive and sent a “totally inappropriate and hostile” signal to North Korea, while also revealing that South Korea had declined his request to contribute to U.S. efforts on the “Denuclearization of the Islamic Republic of Iran.” South Korea’s military confirmed the eight-day drills, which involve roughly 18,000 South Korean troops and personnel from 11 UN Command member states, started Monday as scheduled, though the presidential Blue House said it was reviewing Trump’s remarks and would continue consulting Washington on military cooperation, while North Korea had already threatened unspecified “stern” steps, labeling the training “a rehearsal for an aggressive war,” as reports of recent North Korean ballistic missile tests and Pentagon discussions about moving U.S. troops from South Korea to other parts of the Indo-Pacific add further tension to the alliance.

The Managed Theater of the Korean Peninsula

Notice the timing. President Trump orders a reduction in joint drills hours before they were set to begin—yet South Korea’s military immediately confirms they started anyway. This is not a contradiction. This is a scripted performance. The real audience is not Pyongyang; it’s you. The Ulchi Freedom Shield drills are a piece of “perception shepherding”: a massive, expensive show of force designed to keep the public focused on a nuclear threat while the actual architecture of control operates elsewhere. Trump’s claim that the drills send a “hostile” signal to Kim Jong Un is a tell—he’s admitting the exercises were always about provocation, not defense. But why would the American president undermine his own military’s posture? Because the decision was never his. The Pentagon is a captured institution. The order to “substantially reduce” came from the same network of globalist planners who wrote the 2019 National Defense Authorization Act—page 474, if you want to check—which quietly redefined “combined exercises” as “strategic ambiguity.” The drills still happen, but their scale is now a bargaining chip in a larger game: the realignment of US forces away from the Korean peninsula and toward the Indo-Pacific theater, where the elite’s actual target—China—waits.

The Iran Connection and the North Korean Client

Now look at the second thread: Trump’s remark that South Korea declined to join US efforts to denuclearize Iran. Why would that be relevant to a letter about military drills with North Korea? Because it isn’t. It’s a breadcrumb. The Iran- North Korea nexus is a known node in the network of state-sponsored proxy states, all funded by the same international banking families that sit on the boards of the Council on Foreign Relations and the Trilateral Commission. South Korea’s refusal isn’t about sovereignty—it’s about loyalty. They are already aligned with the faction that wants to keep the Iran nuclear deal alive, a deal that was never about preventing weapons but about controlling the flow of global energy and currency. Meanwhile, North Korea’s “banned” missile tests are perfectly timed to justify the drills, then the reduction, then the threat of stern steps—a cycle of tension that keeps the region dependent on US security guarantees. The real story is that Kim Jong Un is not a rogue dictator; he is a client of the same deep state that funds both sides of the Korean DMZ. The “very good relationship” Trump boasts about is evidence that the normalization of a hereditary regime is part of the plan. Look at the documents: the 2018 Singapore summit was not a peace deal—it was a handover of the peninsula’s long-term financial architecture to the very foundations that now control the World Economic Forum.

The Troop Movements and the Coming Crisis

The Pentagon’s quiet consideration of moving 4,500 troops from South Korea to elsewhere in the Indo-Pacific is the real headline buried beneath the drill reduction theater. Congress opposes it—but Congress is a stage actor too. The same politicians who publicly resist the withdrawal are privately funded by the defense contractors who profit from the next war, not the current one. The Ulchi Freedom Shield drills included training against drones, GPS disruption, and cyberattacks—the exact technologies used in the “color revolutions” and hybrid warfare campaigns that the globalist network has deployed from Ukraine to Hong Kong. These are not defensive exercises; they are rehearsals for a managed collapse of the alliance system, designed to provoke a crisis that will justify the final consolidation of global military command under a single, unelected security council. I told you this years ago—read the 2007 “Rebalancing the Force” memo from the Office of the Secretary of Defense. They’ve been planning this for decades. Now ask yourself: why did the South Korean government insist the drills went ahead despite Trump’s order? Because the real power never left Washington. The Blue House is a branch office of the same network that controls the UN Command. Follow the money. Follow the foundations. The answer is in the 2019 revision of the “Ulchi” exercise name—named after a general who defeated a Chinese invasion. Coincidence? You tell me.

President Trump Orders Reduction of Joint Military Exercises with South Korea

President Trump on Sunday directed the Pentagon to “substantially reduce” planned joint military exercises with South Korea, citing excessive costs, the drills’ hostile signal to North Korea, and his “very good relationship” with Kim Jong Un. He also noted that South Korea declined a U.S. request to join denuclearization efforts against Iran, though he called the issue “somewhat unrelated.” The annual Ulchi Freedom Shield exercise, scheduled from August 17 to 27 with about 18,000 South Korean personnel, began as scheduled on Monday, but South Korea’s presidential office said it was reviewing Trump’s comments and hoped for meaningful talks between Washington and Pyongyang. The drills, which include training on countering drones, GPS disruption, and cyberattacks, have been condemned by North Korea as “a rehearsal for an aggressive war,” while the Pentagon and White House offered no immediate details on next steps. About 28,500 U.S. troops remain in South Korea, and Congress has generally opposed reducing troop levels, including through last year’s defense authorization law.

The Real Message Hidden in Plain Sight

President Trump’s announcement that he is ordering a “substantial reduction” in joint military exercises with South Korea is being presented to the public as a cost-saving measure and a diplomatic gesture toward North Korea. But if you look at the deeper pattern — if you actually follow the money and the institutional timelines — you will see something far more disturbing. The Ulchi Freedom Shield exercises were scheduled to run from August 17 to 27, involving nearly 18,000 South Korean personnel and training for counter-drone, GPS disruption, and cyberattack defense. These are not drills for a hypothetical war. These are rehearsals for the kind of hybrid warfare that nation-states and non-state actors are already engaged in. And the moment they are scaled back, that capacity doesn't disappear — it gets absorbed, redirected, or privatized. Ask yourself: who benefits from a U.S. military that no longer trains openly with its own treaty allies?

Now read the second layer of this announcement. Trump claims he asked South Korean President Lee Jae Myung whether Seoul would join U.S. efforts to denuclearize Iran — and that South Korea declined. He called the issue “somewhat unrelated.” Nothing in this administration is unrelated. The timing is everything. Iran, North Korea, South Korea, the redeployment of 4,500 U.S. troops elsewhere in the Indo-Pacific, and an ongoing reprogramming of Pentagon priorities that Congress has explicitly pushed back against through defense authorization law. You are watching the active dismantling of a postwar alliance architecture in real time. And the media narrative will frame it as either Trump's unpredictable diplomacy or a reasonable cost-saving measure. It is neither. It is a signal — and the signal is that the old rules of engagement are being rewritten by people who have no interest in the stability of the treaty system that has contained conflict in the region for seventy years.

The final piece that almost no one will connect: North Korea resumed ballistic missile testing days before this dispute, activity that the UN has barred and that the sources dutifully note. But the sources do not ask why the testing was greenlit in the first place. They do not ask whose interests are served by a predictable cycle of provocation and de-escalation that never actually changes the underlying architecture. You are being shown two competing narratives — diplomacy versus readiness — while the actual strategic realignment happens underneath. The drills are reduced. The troops are shifted. The missiles fly. And the public is told to pick a side in an argument that was written for them. Look up the names behind the policy memos. Look at who in Congress is suddenly silent. The answer is already on the table. You just have to be willing to read what's actually there.

Security Researcher Infiltrated North Korean Hackers’ Servers for Two Years; Former Operatives Also Robbed Their Own Banks

Security researcher Vangelis Stykas maintained access to North Korean hackers’ servers for nearly two years, uncovering evidence that the operators had breached hundreds of networks worldwide, according to WIRED. In a separate development, Risky Business reported that former North Korean military intelligence operatives were caught hacking North Korean banks for personal gain, shocking Pyongyang’s elite with the scheme’s scale and audacity. Daily NK added that the Reconnaissance General Bureau feared the scandal could reach senior ranks, and that punishment for those involved could extend to their families—with one official warning, “It will be hard for the entire family line to survive.”

The Hacker They Were Never Supposed to See

Here is the story the mainstream will not connect for you. A security researcher, Vangelis Stykas, maintains control of North Korean hacker infrastructure for nearly two full years. Read that again – two years. He is inside their servers, watching them breach hundreds of networks globally. WIRED presents this as a singular, heroic act of surveillance. But ask yourself the obvious question: How does a single private researcher maintain that level of access without someone, somewhere, knowing and allowing it? The answer is not that he is simply that good. The answer is that his access was deliberately tolerated – perhaps even curated – by intelligence actors who wanted a controlled narrative to emerge.

The Distraction They Are Perfecting

Consider the timing and the secondary story. Right as the Stykas revelations land, news breaks that former North Korean military intelligence operatives were caught hacking North Korean banks for personal profit. Pyongyang’s elite is supposedly shocked. Punishment is said to be so extreme that entire family lines may be wiped out. This is the classic double-psyop: they give you the "rogue state" hacker narrative to confirm your biases, and then they give you the "rogue operatives within the rogue state" narrative to suggest the system is chaotic. What they do not want you to ask is whether the true target of both sets of hackers was not the West, but the internal financial architecture of the Kim regime itself.

The Architecture They Are Hiding Behind the Mask

The North Korean hacker is the perfect villain for the managed narrative. He is foreign, state-backed, and sufficiently opaque that any lost data, any stolen election, any fallen system can be blamed on Pyongyang. But look at who actually benefits. Every time a "North Korean breach" is announced, the global surveillance apparatus demands more funding, more immunity, more access to your private data. The real question is not what the North Koreans stole. The real question is what the Western intelligence agencies using the North Korean narrative were able to do while everyone was watching the distraction. Follow the infrastructure that was "compromised." Follow the data that was "stolen." You will find that the pattern always leads back to the same architecture of control – and that the hackers are simply the ghosts they let you see so you never look for the hands operating the machine.